The addition
of the state PolitiFacts began with the appearance of PolitiFact Florida in 2009,
but really didn't really get in gear with publishing a substantive number of
rulings until 2010. In fact, in 2009,
PolitiFact "Florida" published a grand total of 9 rulings, bringing
in lead PolitiFact Florida writer Aaron Sharockman around October. Then things took off in 2010 as Texas,
Georgia, Rhode Island were added in the first half and then Ohio, Oregon,
Wisconsin and Virginia in the second half.
It would seem
as if the states came along to fill in the gap of the Congressional Quarterly,
whose writers worked with PolitiFact doing rulings from 2007 through 2008. However, as I described in my original assessment of this group and what its "affects" may have been , the
types of statements selected at that time were of a different nature: in the case of Congressional Quarterly, they
related to its area of expertise, congressional positions and votes (although
they did do other types). In the case of
the PolitiFact states, however, many rulings had to do with matters of a local
nature, for example, one of the first PolitiFact Florida rulings on a
statement by then-Governor Charlie Crist who was bragging up the reduced rates
of a negotiated, un-subsidized Florida healthcare program called Cover Florida
Healthcare (found False).
The
"Pants on Fire factor" (PoF) as I call it, a measure of what is
claimed to be PolitiFact's bias for rating a False ruling as Pants on Fire, is
shown below as aggregated from 2007 to September of 2012.
It is a comparison of Democrats to Republicans, with a factor of 1.0
translating to mean that PolitiFact assigns Pants on Fire to Democrats at the
same (or equal) rate it assigns Republicans.
Anything below the 1.0 means Republicans are assigned Pants on Fire less
than Democrats, anything above the 1.0 means Republicans are assigned Pants on
Fire more than the Democrats (as a percentage of False + Pants on Fire rulings).
The red line
shows the growth of the factor from favoring the Republicans to favoring the
Democrats (or growing ever more negative for Republicans) over PolitiFact
National's six years of Truth-o-Meter rulings.
The chart begins in quarterly increments until the end of 2008 to show
how the Congressional Quarterly scored for that period as well, displayed in
the green line. Thereafter the increments are annual.
At the end of
2008, PolitiFact National (including the Congressional Quarterly) had a factor
below 1.0, although as shown by the green line, the Congressional Quarterly
(CQ) alone was assigning Pants on Fire to Republicans 42% more than to
Democrats. With CQ behind them, in 2009
the PoF factor made its biggest jump ever at PolitiFact National, from .90 to
1.60. For the year 2009 alone,
PolitiFact National's Pants on Fire factor was a whopping 5.06.
Accumulated
through the end of September of 2012, it now stands at 1.94--in other words, in
the course of its history, PolitiFact National assigned Pants on Fire almost
twice as often for Republicans as it did for Democrats.
Combined with
the state PolitiFacts, however, the chart takes a different slope, as shown by the purple line. It starts at the same high point as in 2009
because of there being only 9 PolitiFact Florida rulings, but as they
accumulated, the aggregate Pants on Fire factor for PolitiFact as a whole
dropped, from the 1.60 in 2009 down to its current 1.33. The states themselves, if they were separated
from PolitiFact National, would now average 1.21.
So it is
indeed true that once PolitiFact "dissolved its partnership" with
Congressional Quarterly, it began to appear as though it was increasingly
assigning Falses as Pants on Fire to Republicans. But working with CQ may not be a cause even
with such a correlation, given that its own writers' assignment of Pants on Fire
to Republicans were far more (58% more) than that of what PolitiFact National
was doing at the end of 2008. Were there
other possible reasons? What happened in
2009?
